Recent research has shed light on the immigrant paradox, showing how immigrants often display remarkable resilience in overcoming challenges (Hernandez et al. 2012). Resilience, as described by Luthar and Cicchetti (2000) and Masten et al. (2006), refers to the ability to develop positively despite facing tough circumstances. Walsh (2006) views resilience within families as the capacity to bounce back and grow from difficult experiences, emphasizing the importance of finding meaning in adversity and having supportive relationships. 

Immigrants and refugees encounter numerous challenges upon arriving in a new country, such as feelings of loneliness and isolation (Campbell 2008; Narchal 2012), financial struggles (Fuligni 2012; Parra-Cardona et al. 2006), and limited educational opportunities (Crosnoe 2012). Additionally, refugees often grapple with the aftermath of traumatic events, displacement, and resettlement stressors (Shannon et al. 2014; Weine et al. 2004). However, the resilience framework urges us to consider the strengths and protective factors that enable immigrant families to overcome adversity.

The immigrant paradox refers to the tendency for first and second-generation immigrants to outperform their U.S.-born counterparts in various aspects (Hernandez et al. 2012). This trend is evident in physical health, psychological well-being, and educational achievement. Fuligni (2012) identifies two factors that contribute to immigrants’ success: strong motivation and a cultural emphasis on work and education, as well as strong family ties that provide support and guidance. Nonetheless, despite their lofty educational goals, immigrant families often face challenges accessing the resources and opportunities necessary for success. This review explores research on the strengths and resilience of immigrant families in the United States within these three areas.

Family Motivation 

Aligned with a family resilience framework (Walsh 2006), immigrants are often strongly driven by the importance of family to work diligently and pursue education. Feeling connected to their family can offer a sense of belonging and social identity (Fuligni 2011). Moreover, maintaining a strong family identity contributes to overall well-being in minority communities, fostering a sense of purpose, drive, and significance (Fuligni 2011).

Family ties frequently serve as a driving force for immigration. For instance, in a study conducted with Latinx immigrants, the desire to reunite with family members emerged as a significant motivation for immigration (Campbell 2008). Other common reasons for leaving one’s home country include aspirations for their children’s education and future, a necessity to shield children from violence, and a quest for financial stability to ensure the family’s basic needs are met (Solheim et al. 2012). This section explores the motivations of immigrant and refugee families to strive for hard work and provide educational opportunities for their children.

Value of work

Throughout various studies, there is clear evidence that immigrant families prioritize hard work to support their loved ones. Not only is the opportunity to work hard for their families often cited as a reason for immigrating to the United States, but qualitative research also shows that immigrants take pride in contributing their best efforts to their families (Parra-Cardona et al. 2006; Solheim et al. 2012). Immigrant families endure challenges in their new country due to economic opportunities and the chance for their loved ones to move up socially (Valdez et al. 2013). In a study focusing on migrant workers, the demanding nature of long work hours and difficult schedules was acknowledged, but the opportunity to work and be self-sufficient was greatly valued (Parra-Cardona et al. 2006). Participants expressed satisfaction with having enough income for basic needs, a contrast to their previous experiences in their home country. Additionally, immigrant participants described imagining a brighter future as a coping mechanism (Parra-Cardona et al. 2008).

Data from the Census Bureau’s American Community Survey indicate that the work habits of immigrant fathers vary depending on their level of English proficiency. Among immigrant fathers in families where English is spoken fluently, approximately 95% to 96% are employed to support their families, a rate similar to that of native-born American families (Hernandez et al. 2012). For immigrant fathers who are still learning English, over 85% are working to support their families. However, in Southeast Asian, Armenian, and Iraqi refugee families, this rate falls between 70-84%. This difference might stem from the fact that families from conflict-affected regions often face more challenges due to traumatic experiences, potentially leading to greater difficulties in functioning and finding employment. 

Hernandez et al. (2012) observed that most immigrant families in their study had mothers who also contributed to the family’s finances. Campbell (2008) highlighted the pride immigrant women take in their jobs, even if they are low paying. Many women exhibit entrepreneurial traits, engaging in traditional female roles such as baking and sewing to generate income. Their motivations are often rooted in their commitment to their families’ welfare, viewing obstacles as hurdles to overcome rather than insurmountable barriers. In another study, a woman shared her pride in balancing work and family responsibilities while pursuing her GED, securing a new job, building a home with her spouse, and supporting her children’s education (Parra-Cardona et al. 2006). Women also express support for their spouses and take pride in their partners’ work ethic and sacrifices. For example, one woman in Parra-Cardona et al.’s (2006) study expressed pride in her husband’s promotion at a factory, despite the challenging 70-hour work weeks and sacrifices he endured.

Children serve as a significant source of motivation for immigrants as they navigate challenges and adversity (Ayón & Naddy 2013; Valdez et al. 2013; Walsh 2006). Qualitative studies emphasize that the well-being of their children is a primary concern among immigrant workers, with parenting being their “central life commitment” and a sacred duty (Parra-Cardona et al. 2008). Immigrant parents express a desire to fulfill their families’ basic needs without sacrificing excessive time away from their loved ones. Southeast Asian adolescents, many of whom are children of immigrants, recognize their parents’ sacrifices and affection through their efforts to provide for them (Zha et al. 2004). They understand that their parents aim for them to surpass their own achievements, viewing their parents’ low-paying jobs as motivation to strive for better opportunities.

Value of education

Research highlights the significant value immigrant parents place on their children’s education. In a study involving Mexican American undocumented women in South Carolina, mothers unanimously expressed their desire for their children to succeed academically (Campbell 2008). These mothers had sacrificed life in Mexico for the sake of their children’s education. Many of them invested in their own education to become better role models and emphasized the importance of education to their children (Campbell 2008). Additionally, a longitudinal study revealed that immigrant children tended to have higher GPAs if their parents had prioritized education as a reason for immigrating, suggesting a potential impact of parental motivations on their children (Hagelskamp et al. 2010). Planning for their children’s education was also found to bring satisfaction to immigrant parents (Parra-Cardona et al. 2006).

Despite facing initial challenges, first-generation immigrant adolescents often exhibit an advantage over second or third-generation children of immigrants, a phenomenon known as the immigrant paradox. Using data from the Educational Longitudinal Study, Pong and Zeiser (2012) discovered that first-generation immigrant students in 10th grade tended to have higher GPAs and more positive attitudes toward school compared to later generations. This trend held true across various racial and ethnic groups, including White, Latinx, Black, and Asian immigrant children. Family influence likely contributes to these outcomes as studies have shown a link between immigrant and refugee parents’ aspirations and their children’s academic performance. For instance, Pong and Zeiser (2012) found that parents’ expectations were correlated with 10th-grade math achievement. In certain families, such as those of Hmong descent, higher levels of family conflict were associated with a greater likelihood of completing the first year of college, indicating parents’ investment in their children’s academic pursuits (Lee et al. 2009). Portes and Fernandez-Kelly (2008) discussed the strict parenting practices prevalent in immigrant families, which may diverge from mainstream parenting styles. However, they noted that these practices serve to protect children from negative influences in their immediate surroundings while maintaining cultural ties.

Value of a second language

While learning English poses a significant challenge for many immigrant children, research suggests that being bilingual can bring numerous benefits. Children raised in families that encourage learning two languages often experience advantages in academic performance, cognitive development, self-esteem, and family unity (Espinosa 2008; Han 2012). However, it’s crucial to recognize the importance of mastering English. In a study involving Latinx and Asian children, Han (2012) found that bilingual children proficient in English performed academically at levels similar to monolingual White children, after considering other factors. Conversely, bilingual children who were not proficient in English or did not speak both languages tended to perform at lower academic levels. Furthermore, first and second-generation bilingual children tended to perform better academically than third-generation bilingual students, adding to the evidence of the immigrant paradox.

Despite the potential stress involved, children of immigrants often take pride in their bilingual abilities and in their role as translators for their parents (Kasinitz et al. 2009). Additionally, speaking their native language enables children in immigrant and refugee families to maintain connections with extended family members and preserve their ethnic heritage (Costigan and Koryzma 2011; Nesteruk and Marks 2009). Espinosa (2008) recommends fostering rich language experiences in the native language during the first three years of life, followed by the introduction of a second language after the age of three.

Family Connections & Identity

Fuligni (2011) proposed that due to challenges faced by immigrant communities in accessing resources, maintaining family and ethnic identity becomes crucial for immigrant families. Research by Ibanez et al. (2015) indicates that family bonds remain strong over time, especially among immigrant families experiencing significant stress, suggesting that families play a vital role in supporting immigrants adapting to a new culture. This family support and identity may help explain the immigrant paradox.

In Latinx families, the concept of “familismo” underscores the importance of family connectedness and obligation (Parra-Cardona et al. 2006). A qualitative study exploring parenting needs among Latinx parents found that “familismo” served as a strong motivator for adopting more effective parenting strategies (Parra-Cardona et al. 2014). Similarly, in Asian families, family cohesion is rooted in Confucian values (Walton and Takeuchi 2010). Among Black Caribbean immigrants, gatherings known as “liming” sessions reinforce family and cultural identities through storytelling (Brooks 2013).

The various aspects of family connectedness described above may act as sources of resilience, for both adults and children in immigrant families, including family cohesion, a sense of familial responsibility, and a focus on ethnic heritage.

Family cohesion refers to how emotionally close and supportive family members are to each other. Immigrant families tend to prioritize family connections, often including married couples and extended family members in their households more frequently than native-born families (Qian 2013). Statistics from the Census Bureau’s American Community Survey show that 82% of children in immigrant families live with both parents, compared to 71% in native-born families (Hernandez et al. 2012). This emphasis on family cohesion, evident in both immediate and extended family structures, can offer protective influences for both children and adults.

In immediate immigrant families, strong family cohesion has been linked to positive outcomes for children and teenagers. Research on Latinx immigrant families suggests that family cohesion predicts children’s social skills, self-efficacy, and protects against behavioral issues and alcohol use (Leidy et al. 2012; Marsiglia et al. 2009). Additionally, family cohesion may assist immigrants in coping with the challenges of adapting to a new country and culture. For instance, a study by Juang and Alvarez (2010) found that Chinese American youth who faced discrimination experienced feelings of loneliness and anxiety, but strong family cohesion helped alleviate these negative effects, especially for those experiencing high levels of discrimination. Similarly, among adolescent refugees from Cambodia who had witnessed significant violence, family support played a crucial role in protecting against mental health issues and risky behavior (Berthold 2000).

Immediate families play a crucial role in providing support during the transition to adulthood and parenthood. According to a study by Kasinitz et al. (2009), young adult children of immigrants are more likely than their native-born counterparts to reside with their parents. This living arrangement often allows them to pursue higher education without accumulating excessive debt and to save money for future home purchases. Additionally, immigrant adults frequently turn to their parents for assistance when they themselves become parents. Despite any prior criticisms, second-generation women often rely heavily on their mothers for support and guidance during the transition to parenthood (Foner and Dreby, 2011; Ornelas et al. 2009). Even when mothers are separated by distance, transnational phone calls serve as an important form of support (Ornelas et al. 2009).

Extended family members also play a significant role in supporting immigrant families. In numerous studies, extended family members offer crucial support during the initial period following migration, providing food, financial assistance, and emotional support until the newly arrived family becomes established (Ayón and Naddy 2013; DeJonckheere et al. 2014; Parra-Cardona et al. 2006). For instance, undocumented women in one study relied on extended family members to navigate the housing system and manage properties back in their home country (Campbell 2008). Social capital, described as a network of family and friends, is associated with life satisfaction and food security among immigrant Latina mothers (Raffaelli et al. 2012).

Extended family members also provide crucial support in child-rearing. In instances where immigrant mothers are separated from their own parents, they often rely on other extended family members, particularly in the immediate postpartum period (Ornelas et al. 2009). Grandparents and other relatives frequently assist in raising children, as observed among Eastern European immigrants and their US-born children (Nesteruk and Marks 2009). Moreover, in Hmong families residing in the United States, children may be sent to live with relatives to ensure their safety in potentially unsafe neighborhoods (Zha et al. 2004). Similar patterns are observed in other countries such as Vietnamese refugee families in Norway relying on kin networks to support troubled youth (Tingvold et al. 2012). Intergenerational ties are often maintained through sacrifices such as moving closer to relatives or sending children abroad to stay with grandparents (Nesteruk and Mark 2009). Grandparents frequently play a significant role in raising grandchildren, providing instrumental support, particularly in households where both parents work (Treas and Mazumdar 2004; Xie and Xia 2011). Recognizing the importance of grandparents in immigrant families, researchers suggest further exploration of intergenerational dynamics in households with three generations (Foner and Derby 2011).

Family Obligation

Family identity encompasses a sense of duty toward relatives and striving to be valued and contributing members within one’s family (Fuligni 2011). Immigrant adolescents and young adults from Filipino, Mexican, Latin American, and Central/South American backgrounds, even after accounting for socio-economic factors, exhibit a stronger sense of family obligation compared to European youth. They are more likely to report obligations such as assisting family, spending time with family, considering family members’ opinions and desires, and supporting family (Fuligni 2011). While foreign-born students generally show higher levels of obligation than United States-born students, second and third-generation youth from Asian and Latinx backgrounds demonstrate a greater sense of obligation compared to those from European backgrounds. However, no significant differences in emotional closeness or conflict among ethnic groups were found. These levels of obligation are linked to adolescents’ sense of ethnic identity, a topic explored further in this module.

Feelings of family obligation consistently correlate with academic motivations among Latinx and Asian immigrant children (Fuligni 2011). Immigrant children with a strong sense of family obligation tend to perceive education as important and useful, suggesting that family obligation may foster higher levels of school engagement beyond what socio-economic barriers and actual achievement levels would predict. However, no direct relationship between family obligation and academic grades was observed.

Parenting practices may contribute to the development of family obligation. A study by Zha et al. (2004) revealed that Southeast Asian adolescents perceived parental emphasis on proper behavior and academic success. For instance, one Cambodian participant mentioned constant messages from parents about the importance of education and staying away from trouble. Parents often conveyed the link between education and opportunities. These findings suggest that clear communication of family values by parents contributes to the academic resilience of immigrant children, possibly compensating for other challenges.

Family obligation is associated with the mental health of immigrant children. Research on Latinx families found that familism values are linked to lower rates of externalizing behavior (German et al. 2009). Additionally, family identity and obligation contribute to positive emotional well-being and personal self-efficacy in immigrant children (Fuligni 2011; Kuperminc et al. 2013). Feeling like a good family member mediates the relationship between helping at home and increased happiness among youth from Latino/a, Asian, and immigrant backgrounds, though increased helping may also lead to feelings of burden (Telzer and Fuligni 2009). A sense of fairness regarding family obligations predicts declines in psychological distress among Latinx immigrant youth (Kuperminc et al. 2013). Moreover, engaging in family assistance is associated with brain activation in the ventral striatum, suggesting a neurological benefit linked to decreased risk-taking (Telzer et al. 2013). Studies show lower instances of risky behaviors such as early sexual activity, violence, delinquency, and substance abuse among adolescent immigrant youth across various racial and ethnic backgrounds (Hernandez et al. 2012; Kao, Lupiya, & Clemen-Stone 2014). Despite the challenges, immigrant youth often benefit from fulfilling family obligations.

Ethnic heritage

Developing a strong sense of ethnic identity within families and cultural communities can have a protective effect. For instance, research by Fuligni (2011) suggests that a robust ethnic identity contributes to academic motivation among immigrant children. Turney and Kao (2012) discovered that immigrant parents are more inclined to discuss their racial and ethnic traditions with their children compared to native-born parents.

Religiosity and spirituality, often intertwined with ethnic identity, rituals, and traditions, are significant protective factors in the immigrant paradox, particularly among Latinx and Somali youth (Mohamud and Areba 2016; Ruiz and Steffen 2011). In addition, involvement in religious communities serves as a vital means for children of Vietnamese refugees to connect with their ethnic heritage and develop cultural knowledge (Tingvold et al. 2012). For refugees, maintaining contact with individuals from the same ethnic background can offer protection. Geltman et al. (2005) found that Sudanese children without any contact with other Sudanese individuals were more likely to experience PTSD compared to those who had connections with Sudanese families.

In certain cases, adherence to traditions and cultural norms can be adaptive. For example, in a study by Fazel et al. (2012), maintaining ties to Somali culture was beneficial for Somali girls, whereas assimilating into the culture of the host country was advantageous for boys. Ethnic heritage emerges as a protective factor for many immigrants, although its impact may vary based on contextual factors such as gender.

Achieving Aspirations

Kasinitz and colleagues (2009) highlight instances of economic success among various immigrant groups. For example, children of Chinese and Russian Jewish immigrants in New York often have incomes comparable to those of White European Americans born in the United States. Similarly, West Indian immigrant families’ children tend to have higher incomes than African American families born in the United States. Additionally, children of Dominican Republicans and South Americans typically have higher incomes than Puerto Ricans born in the United States.

However, Parra Cardona and colleagues (2006) present a contrasting view, noting that migrant workers often earn lower incomes compared to other impoverished groups, around $7,500 per year, despite their hard work. These families frequently face sudden relocations across the country without prior notice, resulting in disruptions to their children’s education, as schools in new areas often lack bilingual support.

The reality of financial success in the United States often falls short of immigrants’ expectations. Families from Mexico, for instance, find that the cost of living is higher than anticipated, hindering their ability to save as quickly as desired (Solheim et al. 2012). Surprisingly, a study of Latinx families found that higher levels of education and skill were associated with lower life satisfaction, indicating a disparity between expectations and reality (Raffaelli et al. 2012).

Family obligations may act as barriers to achieving individual goals among young adults. For instance, some immigrants prioritize supporting their families financially over their own education, potentially hindering their academic pursuits (Solheim et al. 2012). This trend is particularly pronounced among first-generation immigrant young adults compared to second or third-generation individuals (Fuligni 2011). Immigrant youth who provide financial assistance to their families are less likely to complete a degree, indicating the impact of family obligations on educational attainment (Hagelskamp et al. 2010).

Educational attainment is influenced by parents’ education levels upon immigration, underscoring the selective nature of the immigration process (Fuligni 2012). Immigrant households often possess higher educational qualifications than their counterparts in their home countries. For example, Black immigrant heads of household tend to have higher education levels than Black individuals born in the United States (Thomas 2011). Additionally, Chinese immigrant families typically have higher educational levels compared to other immigrant groups, contributing to better academic outcomes for their children (Zhou 2008). However, challenges exist, particularly for refugees, where parents’ education levels can both serve as a protective factor and make them targets in violent conflicts (Montgomery 2010; Fazel et al. 2012).

While some studies control for socioeconomic status (SES), there are concerns about the real-world applicability of findings if SES strongly influences outcomes. Crosnoe (2012) addressed this by examining educational outcomes over time without controlling for SES. The results showed that White European American children of third-generation-plus families scored well above all other groups. Among high school students, second-generation Latinx students outpaced third-generation Latinx students; first-generation were in-between, but not significantly different from either the second- or third-generation. Among elementary students, third-generation-plus Latinx students scored above first- and second-generation immigrants but this gap decreased as the children reached fifth grade.  Access to early education is limited for some immigrant groups, with socioeconomic barriers being significant factors (Hernandez et al. 2012). These challenges may vary across immigrant generations and communities.

Contextual Risks

Various factors contribute to the challenges faced by immigrant families, including local policies, neighborhood conditions, and discrimination. Lester and Nguyen (2015) found that areas with pro-immigrant policies and integration efforts had more diverse job opportunities for immigrants, leading to increased job stability and higher incomes during the Great Recession.

Immigrant families often settle in disadvantaged neighborhoods with limited resources and higher crime rates (Fuligni 2011; Zha et al. 2004). Schools attended by immigrant children may have poorer learning environments compared to those attended by non-immigrant children (Pong and Hao 2007; Pong and Zeiser 2012). Additionally, Southeast Asian adolescents felt their parents lacked resources to advocate for them in school due to social isolation (Zha et al. 2004).

Discrimination is another challenge faced by many immigrants (Kasinitz et al. 2009). Indian and Latinx immigrant children in New York reported experiencing more discrimination, affecting their access to local resources (Kasinitz et al. 2009). Discrimination in schools and communities can lead to negative mental health outcomes, such as depression and PTSD, among immigrant children (Ellis et al. 2008; Geltman et al., 2005). Even subtle discrimination and stereotypes can limit access to resources and impact long-term health outcomes (Fuligni et al. 2007).

The extent to which individuals adapt to their new culture, known as acculturation, can influence their access to resources and overall well-being. Adolescents and young adults who blend aspects of both their family’s culture of origin and the new culture, while also being proficient in both languages, tend to adjust better than those who either cling solely to their original culture or fully assimilate into the new one (Kasinitz et al. 2009; Portes and Rumbaut 2001).

However, there can be challenges when there’s a gap in acculturation between parents and their children. This mismatch can lead to conflicts within the family, turning family relationships into a risk factor instead of a source of support (Lee et al. 2009; Zha et al. 2004; Lazarevic et al. 2012). When parents and children have similar patterns of acculturation, it tends to benefit their relationships and the well-being of the youth (Portes and Rubaut 2001; Lazarevic et al. 2012).

In some cases, adapting parenting strategies to fit the demands of the new culture can positively impact the psychological adjustment of both mothers and fathers in immigrant families (Costigan and Koryzma 2011). However, the research also suggests that subsequent generations may not fare as well. As time passes and opportunities increase, there might be a decline in the strong sense of family identity that once provided protection, diminishing the benefits of these connections (Costigan and Koryzma 2011). Overall, these challenges underscore the importance of understanding and addressing the various contextual factors that influence the experiences of immigrant families in their new environments.

Resettlement & the Family

Over time, the discussion about immigrant experiences has evolved. Initially, it focused on simple group processes like assimilation, where individuals from one culture gradually adopt the norms of another culture. However, more recent discussions have delved into complex individual processes, such as intersectionality, which considers how various aspects of a person’s identity intersect and influence their experiences. Despite these advancements, family dynamics have often been overlooked in these conversations.

As highlighted in our book, families play a crucial role in the resettlement process of immigrants. Falicov (2005) emphasizes that family relationships and ethnic identity are intertwined during resettlement, affecting each other in adaptive or reactive ways. Parents, grandparents, siblings, and children all impact one another’s decisions regarding which aspects of their original culture to preserve and which to adopt from the new culture. To better understand the complexities of immigrant families during resettlement, various theories from family and social science fields are employed. In the following section, we explore several of these theories and how they apply to immigrant families.

System theory

General systems theory, proposed by Von Bertalanffy in 1950, views families as cohesive units rather than just collections of individuals. According to this theory, a family is more than the sum of its parts, possessing its own unique characteristics, behavior patterns, and cycles that extend beyond the actions of individual family members. It emphasizes the interdependence and mutual influence among family members and subsystems, suggesting that studying one member alone is insufficient for understanding the family as a whole. To grasp patterns of adjustment in immigrant families, we must examine both the structure of the family unit and the processes occurring within it.

For instance, a study involving Vietnamese and Cambodian immigrant families collected data from both parents and children to explore how family processes contribute to conflicts over cultural values. The researchers discovered that clashes related to cultural differences were associated with conflicts between parents and children, which, in turn, led to weakened parent-child bonds and increased behavioral issues among adolescents (Choi et al. 2008). This illustrates a family pattern linked to resettlement that can only be fully understood when viewed at the level of the family system.

Unlike previous frameworks like structural functionalism, which assumed families always sought to maintain stability, general systems theory acknowledges that families also experience and promote change. While families typically strive for equilibrium, they may also initiate changes away from stability. This theory recognizes two tendencies within family systems: morphogenesis, which refers to the capacity for change, and morphostasis, which pertains to the inclination towards stability. When families relocate to a new country and must decide what aspects of their culture to retain and adapt, they navigate a balance between these two tendencies. Families actively assess their processes and establish goals, leading to changes when dysfunctional patterns are recognized and new processes are implemented to align with their objectives. Resettlement represents a significant example of the type of change a family system may choose or be compelled to undergo.

Human ecology framework

The human ecology framework, proposed by Bronfenbrenner in 1979, suggests that families interact within various environments that influence one another. These environments encompass personal factors (biophysical), immediate surroundings like family, neighborhood, and school (microsystem), connections between these immediate systems (mesosystem), larger social systems such as the stress caused by a family member’s job (exosystem), and cultural values and societal structures like immigration policies (macrosystem). For instance, in the context of a refugee family, factors like injuries sustained during persecution (biophysical), conflicts experienced while fleeing (microsystem), challenges faced by teachers with their own trauma (mesosystem), and lack of consultation with shelter residents regarding their needs (exosystem) can all impact the family’s coping mechanisms.

By considering these various environments, the human ecology framework offers valuable insights, especially in cross-cultural contexts like immigrant families. For example, researchers can explore how Hmong immigrant families manage financial resources in the United States compared to their practices in Laos. This framework remains relevant across cultures, as it allows for the identification of needs, values, and environmental influences within each cultural context.

Furthermore, human ecology theory assumes that families are deliberate in their decision-making processes, striving to meet biological, economic, and psychosocial needs. As social environments become increasingly challenging in these areas, families may seek change, such as relocating to a new country. Recognizing their needs for resources and relationships, families engage in management strategies to meet these needs while adhering to their values and beliefs.

Double ABC-X stress model

The double ABC-X model, introduced by McCubbin and Patterson in 1983, explains how crises impact families. It suggests that the combination of stressors (A), the family’s resources (B), and the family’s interpretation of the event (C) determine how the family experiences the crisis (X). Each component of this model is influenced by the family’s various environments, aligning with the principles of the human ecology framework. Importantly, the double ABC-X model emphasizes that there are multiple paths to recovery after a crisis, shaped by the family’s internal and external resources and coping strategies.

This model holds relevance for immigrant and refugee families, who often undergo significant transitions during resettlement. Whether these transitions or the events leading to them are viewed as crises depends on factors such as other stressors the family faces (like employment, housing, healthcare availability, and family conflicts), the resources available to them (including socioeconomic status, family support, and access to community resources), and how the family interprets the situation based on their cultural and familial values.

Resilience framework

The family resilience framework, proposed by Walsh in 2003, focuses on how families endure and recover from difficult situations. It underscores how families come together to cope, relying on shared beliefs such as finding meaning in their circumstances, fostering hope, and drawing on spiritual support, as well as on family organization, including adaptable structures, unity, and access to social and economic resources. This framework also incorporates insights from the family lifecycle model developed by Carter and McGoldrick in 1999, which outlines how families navigate various stages and significant life events, each with its own vulnerabilities and factors contributing to resilience. When applied to immigrant and refugee families, research using the resilience framework can shed light on their strengths and illustrate how they not only survive but also thrive amidst adversity.

Ambiguous loss theory

The family theories mentioned earlier can be widely relevant to immigrant and refugee families from various backgrounds. Many of these families share experiences of loss and trauma, and certain family theories are particularly suited to addressing these challenges. Ambiguous loss theory, proposed by Boss in 2006, explains the feelings of uncertainty experienced by immigrant families when they are separated, with family members being physically absent but psychologically present. This sense of ambiguity and separation often causes significant distress among these families (Solheim et al. 2015).

Critical theories

Critical theories offer valuable insights into understanding immigrant and refugee families. These theories suggest that our thoughts are shaped by power dynamics that are constructed by society and history. They emphasize both individual experiences and the influence of various social environments, aligning with the human ecology framework. Critical theories have roots in different academic fields and have made significant contributions to the social sciences. Among these, feminist theory, queer theory, and critical race theory have challenged prevailing social narratives. Scholars who adopt critical approaches strive to challenge social divisions and recognize how structural factors create inequalities.

Using critical theories in research involving immigrant and refugee families is particularly important because they aim to amplify the voices of marginalized groups. Researchers employing critical approaches actively seek out voices that are often ignored or oppressed, aiming to give them a platform. Since immigrant and refugee communities often face marginalization in their new societies, critical research methods can be used to advocate for these communities in collaborative ways.

Cultural values

Family theories offer valuable insights into understanding the complex process of family resettlement. As students, researchers, or clinicians, it’s essential to carefully consider the values embedded in the theories we choose to apply. Here are some key points to keep in mind when evaluating potential theories.

Traditionally, ideas about the resettlement process place significant emphasis on the responsibility of immigrants and their families. This perspective suggests that because individuals and families choose to migrate, often seeking better opportunities, they should bear the primary responsibility for their success. However, this viewpoint is influenced by a cultural bias favoring personal responsibility and self-reliance. While well-intentioned, it may not align with the beliefs and practices of immigrant communities. This bias towards personal responsibility stems from the notion of meritocracy, widely embraced in individualistic societies like the United States. Meritocracy assumes that success and possessions result from an individual’s hard work and initiative in a fair society, attributing all privilege to personal efforts. However, this perspective overlooks the challenges immigrants face in adapting to a new environment without external support. Immigrant families arrive with aspirations for a better life and are willing to work hard, but navigating unfamiliar contexts, language barriers, and limited resources can be overwhelming without assistance from the larger society.

Immigrants often face challenges and feelings of loss, especially when they are part of visible minority groups in their new country (Abbott et al. 2000). Detailed studies with immigrant individuals have revealed that many of their initial interactions with members of the dominant group are perceived as condescending, marked by messages of superiority and discrimination (Muwanguzi and Musambira 2012). One significant way in which the reception and perceptions of local communities can negatively affect immigrants’ resettlement experiences is through parent-school involvement and the academic achievement of immigrant children. Research consistently shows that parent-school involvement among immigrant families tends to be low (Kao 1995, 2004; Nord and Griffin 1999; Turney and Kao 2009). For example, Korean immigrant mothers often feel disempowered in their role and involvement with the school system due to issues related to their identity, cultural differences, and English language skills (Kwon 2012). Relying solely on traditional forms of parental involvement may overlook and underestimate the strengths and efforts of immigrant parents in supporting their children academically (Tiwana 2012). In conclusion, unexamined assumptions and expectations based on commonly held values can pose barriers to immigrant families’ ability to thrive in a new society.